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Home Politics and Parties from the Reform Bill of 1832 to that of 1867 The British Constitution, 1832-1911 |
The British Constitution, 1832-1911To Liberal enthusiasts the passing of the Reform Bill was the panacea for all human ills; even children, it is said, went about their playgrounds shouting, " The Reform Bill has passed! The Reform Bill has passed!" To the Tories, on the other hand, the passing of the bill meant the downfall of Great Britain; and the Duke of Wellington expressed the opinion that in six weeks' time Lord Grey would be out of office, and that henceforward no gentleman would be able to take part in public affairs. Yet in itself the Reform Bill appears to us now a mild measure. It abolished a great number of "rotten" and "pocket" boroughs, a hundred and forty-three seats in all, and gave them to counties or large towns. The franchise in the counties was extended to copy holders (A copyholder is almost as complete an owner of land as the freeholder. It is true the land does not belong to him, but practically he cannot be dispossessed of it without his consent) and long leaseholders of lands worth ;£10 a year, or to tenants-at-will of lands worth £50 a year, and in the boroughs to holders of houses worth £10 a year. But it is reckoned that under the bill only one person out of every twenty-two of the whole population had a vote.The Reform Bill of 1832, nevertheless, broke down the monopoly of power possessed by the land-owning aristocracy, and by giving the vote to all the middle class altered the centre of gravity in politics. Moreover, once a Reform Bill was passed, other bills were bound to follow. In 1867 a Conservative ministry passed the second Reform Bill, which gave the vote to the better-class artisan in the towns. And then, in 1884, the vote was given to the agricultural labourer in country districts and to nearly all men in towns. Since that date it may be said that practically every one has had a vote who is not a minor, an alien, a pauper, a criminal, a woman, a lunatic, or a peer. The Duke of Wellington's prophecy with regard to gentlemen ceasing to be able to take part in politics proved to be signally wrong. No doubt members after 1832 were drawn from a wider circle, and more merchants and more lawyers were elected than formerly, but the old governing families still had great influence. The most striking feature of British political life has been that, at all events till recent years, what may be called the public school class has governed Britain. Of our leading statesmen in the nineteenth century the great majority have been educated at the larger public schools (In the Parliament of 1865 one-quarter of the members, it has been computed, were connected with thirty-one families, whilst in the Parliament of 1900 one-quarter of the members had been educated at either Eton or Harrow. Up till 1906 the number of Labour members was insignificant, and not one of them had entered the cabinet). Though, however, the character of our legislators did not greatly alter, yet the character of legislation did. The period of quiescence in legislation came finally to an end. The rival programmes of each party were full of legislative promises, and to an increasing extent, as the franchise was extended, this legislation has been passed for the benefit of the working classes. Moreover, the methods of politics changed. Reporters were admitted to the debates. The sessions were more protracted. Members became more regular in their attendance. Again, public meetings became far more common. Canning was the first great statesman to address them, but the prejudice against ministers in high office speaking in the country lingered for some time, and even as late as 1886 Queen Victoria objected to Mr. Gladstone addressing public meetings outside his own constituency. 1832-1911; Part 2 |
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